The Shroud Industrial Complex: b.Sanhedrin 48

One of the ugliest sides of capital punishment litigation in the United States is the extent to which economic considerations drive the arguments that can be made in court. As Ryan Newby and I explained in 2013, Eighth Amendment litigation has devolved from lofty issues of human rights into technical issues regarding methods of execution. The reason for this is chillingly prosaic: other countries do not export us the lethal drugs because they know what we use them for. Therefore, U.S.-based companies have to develop domestic alternatives: drugs crafted not to heal and save, but to kill–without a solid protocol for testing them. After the Supreme Court, faced with the inability to import drugs needed for a three-drug execution protocol, approved the use of a single injection of sodium thiopental in Baze v. Rees (2008), disconcerted pharmaceutical companies began refusing to supply states with the drug. Oklahoma replaced the general anesthetic with an untested off-label use of midazolam, keeping the drug’s origin secret, a procedure that was approved in Glossip v. Gross (2015).

The question raised in b.Sanhedrin 48 is, therefore, a perennial one: can the manufacturer of funerary items–in the Talmudic case, a weaver of shrouds[1]–benefit from them? In other words, if someone works for a shroud factory and produces cloth–even if the cloth ends up not being used as a shroud–can it be sold for profit? Abaye says no; Rava says yes. The rest of the page elucidates their reasons. After attempting analogies to the case of animal sacrifice, they focus their dispute on five issues, for which they create a mnemonic: כִּפָּה, נַפְשֵׁיהּ, דַּחֲצִיבָא, בְּקִבְרֵיהּ דְּיַתִּיר מֵאֲבֻהּ, בְּכִיסָא דְּאוּמָּנָא. (scarf, monument, excavation, money left over from dead ancestors, the craftsman’s pouch.)

Scarf. Can a scarf prepared for the wrapping of ritual objects (a Torah scroll or tefillin) be used for wrapping everyday objects, e.g., coins? The dispute is over whether the mere designation of the object for a sacred purpose–absent any actual ritual use–rules out any profane purposes. Abaye believes the designation is enough; Rav Hisda, who agrees with Rava’s perspective, believes that actual wrapping rules out profane use.

Monument. Can a monument erected as a memorial be used for ordinary purposes, e.g., housing the living? According to Abaye’s view, even if the monument was originally created to house the living, and later additions were there to honor the dead, it consecrates the whole monument and it cannot be used for nonsacred purposes – and this is true even if the dead body is later removed. In other words, it is the designation of the monument that matters. By contrast, Rafram bar Pappa, speaking for Rav Hisda, believes that removing the part of the monument that was designated a memorial for the dead person suffices for clearing the building for nonsacred purposes.

Excavation: A excavates a grave for his father, but ends up burying him in a different grave. Can the dug grave be used for A’s own burial? The gemara says no – מִשּׁוּם כְּבוֹד אָבִיו (due to honor owed to the father.) Raban Shim’on ben Gamliel adds that this is true even if A hadn’t completed the digging of the grave–even אַף הַחוֹצֵב אֲבָנִים לְאָבִיו, he who merely excavates some stones for the burial, cannot have those very stones used for his own burial. Rava would say that the mere designation of the dig for A’s father’s grave does not rule it out for A’s grave (and, respectively, the mere designation of yarn for shrouds does not rule it out for making cloth that can be sold for profit)–and might therefore claim that using the grave for the burial of a nonviable embryo and then for the burial of a person is fine. Abaye, by contrast, would argue that even a nonviable newborn counts as a dead body, whose burial is deserving of respect and treated as consecrating the grave (this is an interesting commentary about the connection, or disconnection, between viability and respect).

Money left over from dead ancestors: Rava attemps to allow the shroud to be used for profit by drawing an analogy to the use of money. According to mishna Shekalim 2:5, money left over from a deceased person passes on to the heirs. But this proof is deemed unpersuasive, as the purpose and timing of collection make a difference: money collected during the deceased’s lifetime is legitimate secular inheritance. By contrast, money left over from a burial collection must be spent on other burials.

This explanation, too, provokes a debate: according to Rava’s school of thought, money raised for burying unspecified people must be used for that purpose alone. Money raised for burying a particular person, however, is given to the heirs (think about a GoFundMe, or other charity fundraising, for a particular person’s funeral expenses; it is logical to pass the surplus on to the family.) But according to Abaye’s school of thought, the latter fund must either be used for improving the particular grave of the deceased or left alone (“until Elijah comes”, which is the safest way to use it according to Rabbi Meir). There are more twists and turns to this, pertaining to the degree to which an item that is used in conjunction with a burial (non-shroud cloth that falls into a grave) becomes consecrated to the dead – but let’s move on to the fifth analogy:

The craftsman’s pouch. Can one use a dedicated pouch for tefillin (phylacteries, which are used in prayer) to keep one’s money? Once the pouch has been used for the tefillin, it is no longer good for money. But if one orders a tefillin pouch from a craftsman, indicating that one intends to use it for a ritual purpose, and then ends up never using it for that purpose, one is allowed to use it instead for carrying money.

This last analogy might be seen as inappropriate in the context of the shroud. If mere designation is not enough, but rather use, when will we ever see shrouds designated for the dead but not already used for them? It turns out, as Rava explains, that in a place called Harpania the people are so poor that they cannot prepare the shrouds for themselves ahead of time, and thus the shrouds are made after the person is already deceased. The conclusion of the issue is that the law follows Rava’s logic: mere designation for the dead is not enough – actual use consecrates the shrouds, and until it occurs, the cloth can be used for mundane purposes.

The discussion now turns to the inheritance of the condemned. This, too, hits close to home for me; I have horrific memories of people wrangling with CDCR over the personal effects left by their incarcerated relatives who died of COVID-19. According to a baraita, הֲרוּגֵי מַלְכוּת – נִכְסֵיהֶן לַמֶּלֶךְ, הֲרוּגֵי בֵּית דִּין – נִכְסֵיהֶן לַיּוֹרְשִׁין – meaning that those executed by the king leave their property to the king, whereas those executed by the court leave their property to their heirs. This issue evokes the story of King Ahab inherinting Naboth’s vineyard. Ahab’s wife, wicked queen Jezebel, wanted to help her husband inherit the vineyard and thus lodged a false complaint according to which Naboth “cursed God and King.” After he was executed, Ahab took possession of the vineyard, for which he was admonished. The sages dig into the story: Rabbi Yehuda argue that Ahab was Naboth’s relative, and thus might have inherited the vineyard as a relative rather than as a king. Others argue that Naboth’s sons were to inherit, But Rabbi Yehuda retorts that Ahab had the sons killed as well so that he would inherit (the rabbis reply that those were potential sons, not actual sons).

This leads the sages to another problem: accusing Naboth of cursing God would have been enough for execution. Why, then, did Jezebel procure false testimony that he cursed the king as well? The reply is – לְאַפּוֹשֵׁי רִיתְחָא, to infuriate the judges against Naboth and ensure the sentence.

The supporters of the idea that the condemned’s property goes to the king rely on another biblical story as well, that of Joab’s flight from David when accused of supporting David’s son Adoniyah. Joab, the biblical story tells, held on to the horns of the altar, refusing to come out – was that, the sages ask, because he didn’t want his property to go to the king? Not necessarily, argue the supporters of Rabbi Yehuda’s perspective: he might have just wanted חַיֵּי שָׁעָה, to spare his own life for a while. Rabbi Yehuda then explains that, when Joab was ordered to leave the sanctuary, he said that the curses that David cursed him would boomerang back onto his executioners–and offers proof from biblical phrases that, indeed, each king of Solomon’s dynasty suffered from these curses. The talmud offers us this wisdom, therefore: תְּהֵא לוּטָא, וְלָא תְּהֵא לָאטָא – be the object of a curse rather than the curser, as the curse eventually returns to its provenance. What goes around comes around.

[1] Traditional Jewish burial does not involve coffins; the deceased body is wrapped in shrouds and taken to the grave on a stretcher.

Mourning and Deservedness: b.Sanhedrin 47

We are still on the topic of burial for people who were executed, which hits close to home in these months of grief and mourning–for people who have a grave to weep on, and for those who are waiting to see if their loved ones return home alive or dead. On Saturday, we saw Yarden Bibas return home from almost 500 days in Hamas captivity; his wife Shiri and two kids Ariel (5) and Kfir (1) are still in captivity and there are grave fears for their lives. While in captivity, Yarden was told by his captors that his family members were dead, but there has been so much deceit about these matters that we do not know for sure. But we fear and tremble. Throughout the last couple of weeks, parents and siblings and spouses of people who are feared to be dead, or confirmed dead, have talked about how meaningful it would be to have a grave. And I can say that, as our mourning for my dad continues, his grave, in the beautiful secular cemetery Menuha Nekhona in Kiriat Tivon is a focal point for many family members.

The casualties of the massacre and war, and the hostages, are deeply mourned; so was my father, whose funeral was attended by hundreds of people. But yesterday’s daf, which made me think of the opera Dead Man Walking, raised a lot of questions about the propriety and spiritual meaning of public mourning for people who perhaps didn’t earn love and grief because of horrific crimes they committed. The way this is formulated by the sages in Sanhedrin 47 is this: What, and who, do we observer burial rituals and eulogies for? Is it to prevent a desecration of the dead (which has meaning for family members and friends), or to absolve their wrongdoing (which is an individual morality issue)?

The sages proceed to examine this question through a series of biblical quotes, most of which support the idea that funerary rites are for the living, rather than for the dead. One notable example is this one:

תָּא שְׁמַע: הֱלִינוֹ לִכְבוֹדוֹ, לְשַׁמֵּעַ עָלָיו עֲיָירוֹת, לְהָבִיא לוֹ מְקוֹנְנוֹת, לְהָבִיא לוֹ אָרוֹן וְתַכְרִיכִין – אֵינוֹ עוֹבֵר עָלָיו, שֶׁכׇּל הָעוֹשֶׂה אֵינוֹ אֶלָּא לִכְבוֹדוֹ שֶׁל מֵת. הָכִי קָאָמַר: כׇּל הָעוֹשֶׂה לִכְבוֹדוֹ שֶׁל חַי, אֵין בּוֹ בִּזָּיוֹן לַמֵּת.

The Gemara suggests: Come and hear a proof from a baraita: If one left his deceased relative unburied overnight for the sake of his honor, for example, in order to assemble the people from the neighboring towns for the funeral, or to bring him professional lamenters, or to bring him a coffin or shrouds, he does not transgress the prohibition of “his body shall not remain all night,” as anyone who acts in such a manner does so only for the sake of honoring the dead. This indicates that the eulogy and other funeral rites are performed to honor the deceased. The Gemara rejects this argument: This is what the baraitais saying: Anyone who acts in such a manner for the sake of honoring the living does not transgress the prohibition, as there is no degradation of the dead.

This scenario involves a relative of a dead man who leaves him unburied overnight in order to organize a respectable funeral that requires out-of-town guests, lamenters, or supplies. To the extent that the funeral organizer is doing so in order to provide the proper funerary experience for the people left behind, the delay in burial is permissible.

The Talmud then goes into a somewhat creepy ghost story. The issue is: should people be buried according to their righteousness?

לֹא הָיוּ קוֹבְרִין כּוּ׳. וְכׇל כָּךְ לָמָּה? לְפִי שֶׁאֵין קוֹבְרִין רָשָׁע אֵצֶל צַדִּיק, דְּאָמַר רַבִּי אַחָא בַּר חֲנִינָא: מִנַּיִן שֶׁאֵין קוֹבְרִין רָשָׁע אֵצֶל צַדִּיק? שֶׁנֶּאֱמַר: ״וַיְהִי הֵם קֹבְרִים אִישׁ וְהִנֵּה רָאוּ אֶת הַגְּדוּד וַיַּשְׁלִיכוּ אֶת הָאִישׁ בְּקֶבֶר אֱלִישָׁע וַיִּגַּע הָאִישׁ בְּעַצְמוֹת אֱלִישָׁע וַיְחִי וַיָּקׇם עַל רַגְלָיו״.

§ The mishna teaches that they would not bury the executed transgressor in his ancestral burial plot, but rather in one of two special graveyards set aside for those executed by the court. The Gemara explains: And why is all this necessary? It is necessary because a wicked man is not buried next to a righteous man. As Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina says: From where is it derived that a wicked man is not buried next to a righteous man? As it is stated: “And it came to pass, as they were burying a man, that behold, they spied a raiding party; and they cast the man into the tomb of Elisha; and as the man came there, he touched the bones of Elisha, and he revived and stood up on his feet” (II Kings 13:21). The man, who was not righteous, was miraculously resurrected so that he would not remain buried alongside Elisha.

אֲמַר לֵיהּ רַב פָּפָּא: וְדִילְמָא לְאִיקְּיוֹמֵי ״וִיהִי נָא פִּי שְׁנַיִם בְּרוּחֲךָ אֵלָי״? אֲמַר לֵיהּ: אִי הָכִי, הַיְינוּ דְּתַנְיָא: עַל רַגְלָיו עָמַד, וּלְבֵיתוֹ לֹא הָלַךְ.

Rav Pappa said to Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina: What proof is there from here? Perhaps the man was resurrected in order to fulfill Elisha’s request of Elijah: “I pray you, let a double portion of your spirit be upon me” (II Kings 2:9), as now Elisha resurrected two people, the son of the Shunammite woman and this man, as opposed to Elijah, who had resurrected only one person? Rav Aḥa bar Ḥanina said to Rav Pappa: If so, there is a difficulty, as is this a reasonable explanation in light of what is taught in a baraita: The words “and stood up on his feet” indicate that he arose, but he did not go to his home. The man did not in fact live again but for a moment, indicating that he was resurrected not in order to fulfill Elisha’s request for a double portion of Elijah’s spirit, but in order to prevent the disgrace of having a wicked man buried next to Elisha.

אֶלָּא ״וִיהִי נָא פִּי שְׁנַיִם״, הֵיכִי מַשְׁכַּחַתְּ לַהּ דְּאַחֲיֵיא? אֲמַר לֵיהּ רַבִּי יוֹחָנָן: שֶׁרִיפֵּא צָרַעַת נַעֲמָן, שֶׁהִיא שְׁקוּלָה כְּמֵת, דִּכְתִיב ״אַל נָא תְהִי כַּמֵּת״.

The Gemara asks: But if so, with regard to the verse: “I pray you, let a double portion of your spirit be upon me,” where do you find that Elisha resurrected a second person? Rabbi Yoḥanan said to him: That request was fulfilled when he cured Naaman’s leprosy (see II Kings, chapter 5), an affliction that is considered to be equivalent to death, as it is written with regard to Miriam’s leprosy: “Let her not be as one dead” (Numbers 12:12).

וּכְשֵׁם שֶׁאֵין קוֹבְרִין רָשָׁע אֵצֶל צַדִּיק, כָּךְ אֵין קוֹבְרִין רָשָׁע חָמוּר אֵצֶל רָשָׁע קַל. וְלִיתְקוֹן אַרְבַּע קְבָרוֹת! שְׁנֵי קְבָרוֹת גְּמָרָא גְּמִירִי לַהּ.

The mishna teaches that two graveyards were established for the burial of those executed by the court, one for those who were killed by decapitation or strangulation, and one for those who were stoned or burned. The Gemara explains: Just as a wicked man is not buried next to a righteous man, so too an extremely wicked man, i.e., one who committed a grave offense is not buried next to a less wicked man, i.e., one who committed a less severe offense. The Gemara challenges: If so, let them establish four different graveyards, one for each of the different modes of judicial execution. The Gemara answers. It is learned as a tradition that there are two graveyards for those executed by the court, and no more.

This is pretty wild: it is suggested here that burying wicked people alongside righteous people may result in the unintended consequence of those wicked people being resurrected. Moreover, wicked people should not be mixed up with less wicked people in death (as in life). And all this raises another question: does a person who was killed for wrongdoing receive atonement in death? Abaye says no: the dead person did not repent.

אֲמַר לֵיהּ אַבָּיֵי: מִי סָבְרַתְּ מֵת מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ הָוְיָא לֵיהּ כַּפָּרָה? מֵת מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ לָא הָוְיָא לֵיהּ כַּפָּרָה, דְּתָנֵי רַב שְׁמַעְיָה: יָכוֹל אֲפִילּוּ פֵּירְשׁוּ אֲבוֹתָיו מִדַּרְכֵי צִיבּוּר יִטַּמֵּא? תַּלְמוּד לוֹמַר ״בְּעַמָּיו״ – בְּעוֹשֶׂה מַעֲשֵׂה עַמָּיו.

Abaye said to Rav Yosef: Do you maintain that one who dies in his state of wickedness without repenting achieves atonement? This is not the case, as one who dies in his state of wickedness without repenting does not achieve atonement, as Rav Shemaya taught in a baraita: The verse states with regard to the priests: “There shall none be defiled for the dead among his people, but for his kin that is near to him, for his mother, and for his father” (Leviticus 21:1–2). One might have thought that even if his father had become an apostate and separated himself from the ways of the community, his son the priest shall become ritually impure in order to bury him. Therefore, the verse states: “Among his people,” which teaches that a priest may become ritually impure only for one who performs the actions of his people, that is, one who conducts himself as a Jew. This indicates that one who dies in his wickedness without repenting does not achieve atonement.

Rava, by contrast, thinks that those who were executed, and thus did not die a natural death, did not have an opportunity to repent independently of the sentence, and thus do receive atonement.

אֲמַר לֵיהּ רָבָא: מִי קָא מְדַמֵּית נֶהֱרָג מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ לְמֵת מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ? מֵת מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ, כֵּיוָן דְּכִי אוֹרְחֵיהּ קָמָיֵית – לָא הָוְיָא לֵיהּ כַּפָּרָה. נֶהֱרָג מִתּוֹךְ רִשְׁעוֹ, כֵּיוָן דְּלָאו כִּי אוֹרְחֵיהּ מָיֵית – הָוְיָא לֵיהּ כַּפָּרָה.

Rava said to Abaye: Are you comparing one who was killed in his state of wickedness to one who died in his state of wickedness? An unrepentant sinner who died in his state of wickedness does not achieve atonement, since he died a natural death and there was nothing to bring about his atonement. But a transgressor who was killed in his state of wickedness achieves atonement, even without repentance, since he did not die a natural death, but rather he was executed.

And if so, let’s return to the insights from the previous page: we allowed for the possibility that relatives might experience private grief after an execution, regardless of public rituals; but if, indeed, the wicked who are executed receive atonement after death, that paves the way to public mourning as well.

The conversation then turns to the question of honoring the dead and buried: when, and under which circumstances, can a dug grave be reused after the body in it is moved for some reason. These are the sorts of questions that we have to address today when dealing with antiquities. The Israel Antiquities Authority gets called in every time a relic is found close to a highway, as they must guarantee respect for possible human remains. The taboo around disrespecting burial sites is at the heart of Stephen King’s terrifying Pet Sematary, reinforcing the perennial disturbing nature of the situations in which the boundary between the dead and the living becomes too thin for comfort.

When the Going Gets Rough, the Punishment Gets Rough: b.Sanhedrin 46

Today’s daf continues to address stoning issues, opening with a series of exercises in talmudic logic, which are jarring because of the crass material they are applied to. The mishna posits that people who are stoned to death are hung later, and we are offered two different treatments of this rule. Rabbi Eliezer’s logic: a verse calls for hanging those who curse God (Deuteronomy 21:23) and, since the punishment for blasphemy is stoning, it follows that those who are stoned are later hung. Other rabbis’ logic: The blasphemer denies the principle of belief, and as such is hung, but people who have not denied the principle of belief are not hung after their execution.

This disagreement is an opportunity for understanding logical principles: The rabbis used a principle called כְּלָלֵי וּפְרָטֵי, generalization and distinction, whereas Rabbi Eliezer relied on the principle of רִיבּוּיֵי וּמִיעוּטֵי, amplifications and restrictions. For the rabbis, the issue of denying the principle is a detail that requires limiting the rule to that specific transgression; for Rabbi Eliezer, however, the distance between the generalization and the detail means that the detail does not apply and therefore all those who are stoned should be hung.

This is followed by other demonstrations of similar interpretive principles on the same issue. For example, the words ״וְתָלִיתָ אֹתוֹ״ (and you shall hang him) is taken by sages to mean that hanging is only for men (him, not her), and by Rabbi Eliezer to mean that the man is to be hung naked (just him, without his clothes). The rabbis agree with Rabbi Eliezer, but derive the idea that women should not be hung from the verse ״וְכִי יִהְיֶה בְאִישׁ חֵטְא״ (and if a man, as opposed to a woman has committed a sin). This leads the sages to debate whether the hanging-after-stoning procedure befits the scenario of a rebellious child (בֵּן סוֹרֵר וּמוֹרֶה).

It’s worth pausing briefly to explain that the issue of the rebellious child, and the atrocious capital punishment the bible has in store for him, is something that bothered generations of biblical exegetes, to the point that it’s been interpreted in absurdly restrictive ways to ensure that no one walks away from reading biblical verse thinking that children should be put to death. So the sages’ conversation about this is purely theoretical, an exercise in logic, even though the raw material they use is beyond disturbing (one has to wonder whether these conversations actually took place, and if so, if they troubled any of the speakers and listeners).

Anyway, back to the rebellious child’s hanging-after-stoning. According to Reish Lakish, that the verse uses the term אִישׁ (man) means that children are to be excluded. But Rabbi Eliezer thinks that the mention of the word חֵטְא (sin) implies that the rebellious child was to be included in the hanged-after-stoning category.

At this point, the page moves on to the question whether a court may pronounce two death sentences on the same day. The sages discuss a supposed historical precedent in which Shimon ben Shatah ordered the hanging of eighty women on the same day, and Rav Hisda explains it away hypertechnically: all the women were executed in the same manner, and thus it was one death sentence (but for multiple people). A more precise restatement of Rav Hisda’s principle is that the announcement of multiple executions is permissible only when the transgression, as well as the mode of execution, are the same (but, remember, for multiple people). This principle, they explain, applies even to people mixed up in the same transgression: adulterers, violators of purity laws, transgressors and perjured witnesses who testified for them.

To the extent that there’s anything to this beyond logic games, I can think of two ideas. The first that announcing capital punishment is something that should be seriously considered, and that the court must focus on each case individually–which means that, even in the context of the same scheme, people’s situation should be individually addressed. The second has to do with the interplay between different people mixed up in the same scheme, whose culpability might not be equal. It is only in cases that seem identical in terms of transgression and punishment that the sages may consider them on the same day (this reminds me a lot of David Sudnow’s “Normal Crimes,” and how quick we are to dispose of cases that appear to be the same and do not present any unusual features).

In any case, here the case shifts to something else: the fact that courts might issue harsh sentences beyond those prescribed in the Torah:

תַּנְיָא, רַבִּי אֱלִיעֶזֶר בֶּן יַעֲקֹב אוֹמֵר: שָׁמַעְתִּי שֶׁבֵּית דִּין מַכִּין וְעוֹנְשִׁין שֶׁלֹּא מִן הַתּוֹרָה, וְלֹא לַעֲבוֹר עַל דִּבְרֵי תוֹרָה, אֶלָּא כְּדֵי לַעֲשׂוֹת סְיָיג לַתּוֹרָה.

It is taught in a baraita: Rabbi Eliezer ben Ya’akov says: I heard that the court may administer lashes and capital punishment, even when not required by Torah law. And they may not administer these punishments with the intention of violating the statement of the Torah, i.e., to disregard the punishment stated in the Torah and administer another punishment; rather, they may administer these punishments to erect a fence around the Torah, so that people will fear sinning.

And we’re given two examples:

וּמַעֲשֶׂה בְּאֶחָד שֶׁרָכַב עַל סוּס בְּשַׁבָּת בִּימֵי יְוָנִים, וֶהֱבִיאוּהוּ לְבֵית דִּין וּסְקָלוּהוּ, לֹא מִפְּנֵי שֶׁרָאוּי לְכָךְ, אֶלָּא שֶׁהַשָּׁעָה צְרִיכָה לְכָךְ.

And an incident occurred involving one who rode a horse on Shabbat during the days of the Greeks, and they brought him to court and stoned him, not because he deserved that punishment, as riding a horse on Shabbat is forbidden only by rabbinic decree, but because the hour required it, as people had become lax in their observance of Shabbat and therefore it became necessary to impose the severe punishment for a relatively minor offense.

Riding a horse on Shabbat became a serious business because it occurred “in the days of the Greeks,” meaning, during the Hellenistic culture wars, which were characterized by religious oppression and ferocious inner strife between adherents and assimilationists.

The other example involves a man who slept with his wife under a fig tree and was flogged, again, לֹא מִפְּנֵי שֶׁרָאוּי לְכָךְ, אֶלָּא שֶׁהַשָּׁעָה צְרִיכָה לְכָךְ: presumably, modesty has become lax and people needed a reminder. The minor transgression reminds me of Durkheim’s “society of saints” example in The Division of Labor in Society:

Imagine a society of saints, a perfect cloister of exemplary individuals. Crimes, [commonly] so called, will there be unknown; but faults which appear venial to the layman will create there the same scandal that the ordinary offense does in ordinary consciousness. If then, this society has the power to judge and punish, it will define these acts as criminal and will treat them as such.

Durkheim and the talmudic sages are aware of the power of enforcement in awakening the collective conscience: any society will have a certain amount of punishment and deviation, because it serves an important social role. When norms become lax, or when there’s an important reason to issue a stern reminder, relatively minor transgressors will be made into examples.

But maybe, following Durkheim, there’s another important role that our Shabbat horseback rider plays–one that the sages did not intend. Durkheim uses the example of the execution of Socrates:

According to Athenian law, Socrates was a criminal and his condemnation was just. However, his crime – his independence of thought – was useful not only for humanity but for his country. It served to prepare a way for a new morality and a new faith, which the Athenians then needed because the traditions by which they had hitherto lived no longer corresponded to the conditions of their existence. Socrates’ case is not an isolated one, for it recurs periodically in history. (1895/1982: 102)

Could it be that our horseback rider is reminding his astonished community that, in Hellenistic times, it is perhaps less important to insist on dogged pursuit of the rules and more important to survive? And could it be that the couple making love under the fig tree are reminding their community that outdoor lovemaking can be great fun and is not a big deal? These are possibilities that the talmudic sages are, understandably, not too interested in pursuing.

The remainder of today’s page deals with the question of burying those who were executed. If, and how, to mourn the condemned is a matter discussed in detail, with the logical effort directed at distinguishing undue honors from keeping propriety and dignity after death. The most poignant part of this discussion is:

וְלֹא הָיוּ מִתְאַבְּלִין, אֲבָל אוֹנְנִין, שֶׁאֵין אֲנִינוּת אֶלָּא בַּלֵּב.

And the relatives of the executed man would not mourn him with the observance of the usual mourning rites, so that his unmourned death would atone for his transgression; but they would grieve over his passing, since grief is felt only in the heart.

This reminded me of the beautiful aria sung by the mother of the condemned in Jake Heggie’s beautiful aria Dead Man Walking:

Tomorrow’s page continues the question of mourning the condemned.