Preemptive Move? Reclassifying Possession as an Infraction

Yesterday, Governor Schwarzenegger signed Senator Mark Leno’s Senate Bill 1449, which reclassifies possession of less than one ounce of marijuana as an infraction.

Existing law provides that, except as authorized by law, every person who possesses not more than 28.5 grams of marijuana, other than concentrated cannabis, is guilty of a misdemeanor and shall be punished by a fine of not more than $100. This same penalty is imposed for the crime of possessing not more than 28.5 grams of marijuana while driving on a highway or on lands, as specified.

Existing law provides with respect to these offenses that under specified conditions (1) the court shall divert and refer the defendant for education, treatment, or rehabilitation, as specified, and (2) an arrested person who gives satisfactory evidence of identity and a written promise to appear in court shall not be subjected to booking.

This bill instead provide [sic] that any person who commits any of the above offenses is instead guilty of an infraction punishable by a fine of not more than $100. This bill would eliminate the above-described provisions relating to booking and to diversion and referral for education, treatment, or rehabilitation.

A preemptive move against Prop 19? The “civil unions” of marijuana, which are “almost like legalization, but not exactly”? Unclear. It is important to keep in mind, though, that prior to this amendment of the Penal Code, marijuana possession of less than an ounce was a misdemeanor punishable by a fine, a fact that many Californians were not aware of. It is therefore unlikely that this measure will have any impact, positive or negative, on usage patterns and rates.

Underage Prostitution: A Policy Conundrum


Yesterday, our Hastings Criminal Justice Film Club watched the excellent documentary Very Young Girls, examining teenage prostitution in New York City, and especially the vulnerability of the girls and their fragile dependence on their pimps. This morning’s Chron highlights a similar phenomenon in California.

Peter Doesburg of Upland in San Bernardino County told The Daily Breeze of Torrance Thursday that he believes his daughter was abducted by Leroy Bragg, 34, while she was in Los Angeles a few months ago.

Vice officers arrested Bragg on Tuesday after a foot chase. He pleaded not guilty Thursday to trafficking of a minor, solicitation and other crimes in the abduction of another 13-year-old girl. He was being held on $1.3 million bail.

Upland police said Thursday they don’t have evidence that Bragg kidnapped Doesburg’s daughter, but believe she was abducted by people she knew.

“These subjects are believed to be associated with a group of individuals from the Los Angeles area involved in the exploitation and prostitution of young girls,” Upland police Sgt. Greg Signorio said in a statement.

Doesburg said she was arrested last week in Los Angeles and returned home, but disappeared again because Bragg allegedly made threats toward her family if she did not return to work for him. He said she might not be aware that Bragg is in jail.

“Come home,” Doesburg said. “Everything’s OK and we will protect you. You’ve got nothing to worry about.”

She described living in apartments with other girls who have been forced to meet with men for money and were beaten if they could not meet their quotas, he said.

These cases raise a number of questions about criminalization of special populations. As is the case in many US states (though not necessarily so in all countries), prostitution itself, not just pimping, is a crime. Section 647(b) of the CA Penal Code makes it a misdemeanor to–

(b) . . . solicit[s] or . . . agree[s] to engage in or . . . engage[s] in any act of prostitution. A person agrees to engage in an act of prostitution when, with specific intent to so engage, he or she manifests an acceptance of an offer or solicitation to so engage, regardless of whether the offer or solicitation was made by a person who also possessed the specific intent to engage in prostitution. No agreement to engage in an act of prostitution shall constitute a violation of this subdivision unless some act, in addition to the agreement, is done within this state in furtherance of the commission of an act of prostitution by the person agreeing to engage in that act. As used in this subdivision, “prostitution” includes any lewd
act between persons for money or other consideration.

This means that the girls, who incidentally would be legally beneath the age of consent for all other sex, are committing a misdemeanor by engaging in commercial sex. As you can see, the Johns are committing an offense, too. Incidentally, this offense does not carry automatic registration as a sex offender, but in some cases judges might order such registration. Some lawyers offer legal advice for Johns; for the girls, such legal advice is useless because of their young age and dependence upon the pimps for their livelihood. Many of the girls are very deeply attached to the pimps, which doesn’t help. That makes them, in effect, more victims than offenders. Combine this with family lives and, frequently, drug problems, and you have a bundle of problems, which are not cured by criminalizing and prosecuting girls for the symptom.

It is a very tricky situation to legislate. In 2008, San Franciscans voted against Prop K, which called for legal prostitution in the city. While some thought it healthy to allow sex workers access to medical services and unionization, this would not solve the problem of underage sex and of exploitation. The other tricky aspect of all of this is prosecuting the pimps, often very difficult without the girls’ testimony. The Alameda County DA’s office is making efforts to shift their energy away from the girls toward the pimps and johns, including necessary changes in legislation.

Our attention to sex trafficking emerged as we learned of it as an international phenomenon. It appears, however, that it is a problematic and important issue on the domestic arena, as well. One hopes that organizations such as GEMS manage to survive in these difficult times.

Native Hawaiians Over-Represented in Hawai’i’s Criminal Justice System

Groundbreaking research shows that Native Hawaiians are more likely to be incarcerated than other racial or ethnic groups in Hawai’i

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
September 29, 2010

NATIVE HAWAIIANS OVER-REPRESENTED IN HAWAI’I’S CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

Groundbreaking research shows that Native Hawaiians are more likely to be incarcerated than other racial or ethnic groups in Hawai’i

HONOLULU, HAWAI’I – The Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA) released a new report today, The Disparate Treatment of Native Hawaiians in the Criminal Justice System , which examines the impact of the criminal justice system on Native Hawaiians. While detailing how Native Hawaiians are disproportionately impacted at various stages of Hawai’i’s criminal justice system, the report also includes first-hand accounts of Native Hawaiian concerns with the criminal justice system and how it affects their families and their culture. Native Hawaiians are the indigenous, native people of Hawai’i. Findings from the report show that the criminal justice system incarcerates Native Hawaiians at a disproportionate rate.

“This crucial research shows the need to address the unfair treatment of Native Hawaiians in our state’s criminal justice system,” said Clyde Nâmu’o, OHA’s chief executive officer. “Native Hawaiians make up almost 40 percent of the populations in Hawai’i’s prisons and jails. We are more likely to be sent to prison, and for longer periods of time, than nearly every other racial or ethnic community in Hawai’i. OHA strongly supports a fair justice system and this study sets the course for change.”

Additional key findings in the report include:

* Of the people serving a prison term in Hawai’i, approximately 50 percent are housed in facilities on the mainland. Of this population, about 41 percent are Native Hawaiian, the most highly-represented group. While incarcerated out of state, these people are further disconnected from their communities, families and culturally appropriate services for re-entry.
* Native Hawaiians do not use drugs at drastically different rates from people of other races or ethnicities, but Native Hawaiians go to prison for drug offenses more often than people of other races or ethnicities.
* Once released from prison, Native Hawaiians experience barriers that prevent them from participating in certain jobs, obtaining a drivers license, voting, continuing education, obtaining housing and keeping a family together.
* Without a sufficient number of culturally appropriate services, Native Hawaiians are not given the best chance at achieving success upon re-entry into the community.

“In 2009 the OHA Board submitted Concurrent Resolutions to the 25th Legislature noting that a study would be helpful in determining the extent, nature and impact of perceived disparities. The Senate urged with the House of Representatives concurring in HCR27, HD1, that OHA should contract a nationally respected and objective consulting firm to conduct a study of disparate treatment of Native Hawaiians in Hawai’i’s criminal justice system. That study is now complete.” said OHA Chairperson Apoliona.

The resulting report provides a number of recommendations to reduce the unfair impact of the justice system on Native Hawaiians, including:

* Reform the criminal justice system in Hawai’i to embrace the cultural values of Native Hawaiians. Changing the justice system so it is in line with culturally significant norms and values will help preserve a historic culture and strengthen the Hawaiian community and its identity.
* Develop a targeted plan to reduce racial disparities. One immediate proposal by OHA is the establishment of a task force that will review the findings and recommendations of the report, and formulate policies and procedures to eliminate the disparate treatment of Native Hawaiians in the criminal justice system. Members of the task force will include OHA, government agencies, legislators, prosecutors, public defenders, the state attorney general, the judiciary, public safety and probation officials, the police, a former prisoner and treatment providers.
* Concentrate efforts to reduce the punitive nature of the criminal justice system and fund community-based alternatives to incarceration. Investing in alternatives to incarceration and the investment of funds into re-entry and preventative programs will aid in addressing the disproportionate impact on Native Hawaiians.
* Reduce collateral consequences associated with criminal justice involvement. The current system deprives pa’ahao of full integration into the community. Barriers to education, housing, employment and parental rights only serve to increase the likelihood of future re-imprisonment which would further destabilize families and communities.

The Disparate Treatment of Native Hawaiians in the Criminal Justice System was written at the request of the Hawai’state legislature following the approval of House Concurrent Resolution 27, and was compiled through research by the Washington, D.C.-based Justice Policy Institute (JPI), and experts at the University of Hawai’i and Georgetown University.

To read the Executive Summary and the full report of The Disparate Treatment of Native Hawaiians in the Criminal Justice System visit www.oha.org/disparatetreatment. For more information on OHA, please visit www.oha.org. If you are interested in reading additional research from the Justice Policy Institute on racial disparities and efforts to reduce the number of people affected by the criminal justice system, please visit www.justicepolicy.org.

About OHA

The Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA) is a unique, independent state agency established through the Hawai’i State Constitution and statutes to advocate for the betterment of conditions of all Native Hawaiians, with a Board of Trustees elected by the voters of Hawai’i. OHA is guided by a vision and mission to ensure the perpetuation of the culture, to protect the entitlements of Native Hawaiians, and to build a strong and healthy Hawaiian people and nation. For more information, visit www.oha.org.

Chemical Expiration Dates? California’s Death Penalty is a Farce

Jonathan Simon has a post up in which he criticizes the death penalty for being no more than an extended life sentence under harsh conditions with an end that makes a harsh punishment (life in prison, the sentence for Brown’s crimes in Western civilized countries) into a non-punishment.

I have this to add: The absurdity of this week’s last-minute litigation is further proof of the farce that the death penalty in the United States has come to be. If you do not believe that the death penalty should be abolished immediately on human rights grounds, you should at least agree that the farcical preoccupation with regulation minutiae and expiration dates of chemicals has completely emptied the death penalty of any possible meaning. Even those of us who still believe that the death penalty functions as some sort of a morality tale, warning people against committing serious crime (an assumption hotly debated between factions of econometric experts: see here and here), should now be able to see straight and acknowledge that its current form is a mockery of these objectives.

In his 2002 book When the State Kills, Austin Sarat discusses the transformation of the death penalty from a public display of monarchical force to a hidden, hypertechnical, bureaucratic procedure, occurring away from the public eye and offering little in the way of a public message. Some conservative commentators, such as Tom Harman, have explicitly stated that if legislators cannot reform the death penalty, in its current form it is untenable.

Of course, a possible reaction to this bureaucratization of state killings could be an outcry to minimize the possibilities of post-conviction review (and by doing so, minimize the opportunity to uncover and undo wrongful convictions) or to shoot or hang death row inmates in the town square. Some of the more disturbing anonymous comments on the internet expressed a willingness to engage in this sort of exercise. If these views are broadly shared (and they are not synonymous with abstract support for the death penalty, which, incidentally, wanes when respondents are presented with the life without parole option), then the American people are getting exactly the sort of justice they deserve.

I want to believe that American citizenry, regardless of where people stand on the death penalty, is better than this. Reflective, socially conscious citizens, whether supportive of the death penalty or not, deserve better than to have human lives on the line due to such hefty considerations as chemical expiration dates. Reflective citizens deserve to air the real issues–retribution, victim positions, acceptable state action–without being bushwhacked by evasive maneuvers on the part of the state.

JPI: FBI Crime Report Shows Crime Drops as Prison Growth Slows

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 14, 2010

Contacts: Jason Fenster – (202) 558-7974 x306 / jfenster@justicepolicy.org

FBI Crime Report Shows Crime Drops as Prison Growth Slows

National justice research organization points to better use of effective strategies as basis for improving public safety and decreasing incarceration.

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Crime is down in all regions of the country, according to the full 2009 Uniform Crime Report released by the FBI on September 13, 2010. The Justice Policy Institute (JPI), a Washington, D.C. based organization dedicated to justice reform, says that the economic crisis has forced policymakers to make more informed decisions on public safety strategies, yielding decreases in incarceration.

“States and localities have had to make smarter choices with their budgets,” said Tracy Velázquez, executive director of JPI. “They’ve realized locking lots of people up for long periods of time is not only really expensive, it’s just not the best way to improve public safety.”

According to a fact sheet developed by JPI based on data in the FBI report, the number of violent crimes reported to police dropped by 5.3 percent and property crimes dropped 4.6 percent. While there was some variation, all areas of the country saw drops both in violent and property crime. This decrease in crime comes on the heels of declining prison growth rates in state facilities.

“Jurisdictions are starting to use community supervision in place of incarceration and are developing tools to help focus resources on people who are most at risk of returning to prison,” stated Velázquez. Also, more people who are arrested for drug-use related offenses are being diverted to treatment, providing a significantly greater public safety benefit than incarceration while saving scarce taxpayer funds.

“We all want to live in safe and healthy communities,” added Velázquez. “Recent reports on declining rates of incarceration and drops in crime show that lowering prison populations and reducing crime and victimization are not mutually exclusive.”

“This should be encouraging information for state policymakers,” concluded Velázquez. “We hope states continue to assess available data and research and realign their budget priorities to reduce the number of people behind bars and instead focus on programs that build, strengthen and protect communities.”

To read JPI’s fact sheet on the FBI’s 2009 Uniform Crime Report, CLICK HERE. For additional information, please contact Jason Fenster at (202) 558-7974 x306 or jfenster@justicepolicy.org. For more on JPI’s research, please visit our website at www.justicepolicy.org.

The Justice Policy Institute (JPI) is a Washington, D.C.-based organization dedicated to reducing society’s use of incarceration and promoting just and effective social policies.

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Obama backing off strict crime policy

[Re-posted from POLITICO because: can you imagine replacing “Obama” with “Schwarzenegger” in this article? Nope, me neither, but it feels good to think about it…]

Obama backing off strict crime policy
by Josh Gerstein

http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0910/42004.html

For years, it was one of the GOP’s most potent political epithets — labeling a Democrat “soft on crime.”

But the Obama White House has taken the first steps in decades to move away from a strict lock-‘em-up mentality on crime — easing sentences for crack cocaine possession, launching a top-to-bottom review of sentencing policies and even sounding open to reviewing guidelines that call for lengthy prison terms for people convicted of child pornography offenses.

The moves — still tentative, to be sure — suggest that President Barack Obama’s aides are betting that the issue has lost some of its punch with voters more worried about terrorism and recession. In one measure of the new political climate surrounding the issue, the Obama administration actually felt free to boast that the new crack-sentencing bill would go easier on some drug criminals.

“The Fair Sentencing Act marks the first time in 40 years that Congress has reduced a mandatory minimum sentence,” said White House drug czar Gil Kerlikowske, who billed the new legislation as “monumental.”

Obama’s signing of long-debated legislation last month to reduce the disparity between prison sentences for crack and powdered cocaine is being hailed by some advocates as a watershed moment in the nation’s approach to criminal justice.

And even with a tough election looming, the Democratic Congress is showing a willingness to consider moving away from incarceration and toward rehabilitation and out-of-prison punishments that might have been attacked in the 1990s as the coddling of criminals.

At the urging of a conservative Democrat, Sen. Jim Webb of Virginia , the House passed a bill in July to create a federal commission to study criminal sentences. The measure cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee earlier in the year with little resistance from Republicans.

“I think the political landscape around the issue is shifting and I think that will provide room for the administration to address some of these issues,” said Jennifer Bellamy of the American Civil Liberties Union.

Advocates point to several reasons for the shift toward a less-draconian approach to crime and for its retreat as a hot-button political issue. Crime rates are at some of the lowest levels in a generation. Stories of offenders who got decades behind bars for playing minor roles in drug operations have generated some sympathy in the public. Huge budget woes facing states and the federal government are raising doubts about policies that are causing prison populations and costs to go up.

In addition, Republicans who once accused Democrats of being soft on crime now accuse them of being soft on terrorists. As a result, tinkering with the way run-of-the-mill criminals are treated doesn’t seem to be the political third rail it once was.

Mary Price of Families Against Mandatory Minimums noted that the crack-disparity bill passed in Congress with remarkably little consternation. “I think other concerns have crowded out some of the hysteria around crime,” Price said.

“Republicans could have said, ‘If this passes, we’ll make this an issue in the midterms.’ Nobody said that,” Price observed. “This was not an issue for Republicans.”

While most of the Obama administration’s moves toward rolling back some of the harshest aspects of the war on crime have been tentative, some have been surprising. For instance, a little-noticed letter issued by the Justice Department in June urged a federal commission to review the sentencing guidelines for child pornography offenses — a review that many advocates say would almost certainly result in lowering the recommended sentences in such cases.

“They’re saying, essentially, that they want to level sentences in the middle, but necessarily, leveling in the middle is almost demanding that they bring the guidelines down,” said Doug Berman, a law professor at Ohio State University. “They’ve chosen language … saying we’re open to doing something that is not entirely tough.”

In another sign of the new climate, Attorney General Eric Holder announced a review of criminal sentencing policies soon after he came into office.

“Too much time has passed, too many people have been treated in a disparate manner and too many of our citizens have come to have doubts about our criminal justice system,” Holder said in June 2009. “We must be honest with each other and have the courage to ask difficult questions of ourselves and our system. We must break out of the old and tired partisan stances that have stood in the way of needed progress and reform. We have a moment in time that must be seized.”

The internal review endorsed lowering some crack sentences, something Obama had already promised to do, and publicly offered some vague suggestions on changes to mandatory minimums. Holder also issued a memo giving local federal prosecutors a bit more autonomy in charging decisions.

Another result of that review was a June letter that called for a new look at child porn sentences.

“The time is ripe for evaluating the current guidelines and considering whether reforms are warranted,” Jonathan Wroblewski, director of the Justice Department’s Office of Policy and Legislation, wrote to former judge and FBI director Bill Sessions, who heads the U.S. Sentencing Commission. “Consideration ought to be given to updating many aspects of the child pornography sentencing guidelines to better calibrate the severity and culpability of defendants’ criminal conduct with the applicable guideline sentencing ranges.”

Justice’s call for a review came as defense attorneys have been gaining traction with arguments that the guidelines and mandatory minimums set by Congress call for excessively long sentences. Some lawyers contend that defendants who briefly exchange child porn photos or video online can actually get longer sentences than those who seek to molest children.

The Justice Department has disputed those arguments in court, but federal judges have increasingly given sentences below the guidelines. An assistant federal public defender from Missouri , Troy Stabenow, said he thinks the department’s decision is basically a tactical move to stem the slide towards lower sentences.

“It’s just the logical thing they needed to do,” said Stabenow. He said the notion that any politician would wade into the subject on his own volition boggles the mind.

“I would think no sane politician who values being reelected would want to engage in this area,” Stabenow said. “I don’t think there’s any criminal group that yields a more visceral response than the child pornography group.”

A Justice Department spokeswoman stressed that the June letter didn’t endorse higher or lower sentences for child pornography.

“We asked the sentencing commission to comprehensively review and report on the state of federal sentencing and to explore whether systemic reforms are needed,” Justice spokeswoman Laura Sweeney said. “We also asked the commission to review the guidelines for child exploitation and fraud offenses, but did not recommend necessarily higher or lower penalties for either child exploitation [or] fraud offenses.”

One prominent advocate for long sentences in child pornography cases, Ernie Allen of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, said he welcomes a review of the guidelines and why judges are often giving lower sentences. However, he said he would oppose any overall reduction in the guidelines and does not think that’s what Justice officials want.

“If that is the implication, clearly, we would differ with that,” Allen said. “These are crime scene photos that re-victimize the child in the photo over and over again, [but] I think both of us recognize that the crime guidelines are dated.”

Despite the tentative moves in the direction of lessening some sentences, there remain numerous signs that Obama and his aides recognize that the issue could still be politically damaging.

When Obama signed the crack disparity bill, only still photographers were allowed in and the president issued no formal statement. The Justice Department’s sentencing review group has indicated it has no plan to issue a formal report that could become a political football. And, 18 months into his presidency, Obama has yet to issue a single commutation or even a pardon to an elderly ex-con seeking to clear his record.

Some advocates note that the crack sentencing bill was not particularly ambitious: it reduced the crack/powder disparity from 100-to-1 to 18-to-1. And it wasn’t retroactive, so some who were sentenced under mandatory minimum laws may not benefit.

Asked whether Obama might grant requests to commute the sentences of those who would have gotten less punishment if they committed their crimes today, an administration official said the crack-disparity bill “reflected Congress’s judgment that the law should not be retroactive, [and] the president believes that the Fair Sentencing Act will go a long way toward ensuring that our sentencing laws are tough, consistent and fair.”

The official also downplayed the notion that Obama might offer some kind of blanket clemency for earlier crack-cocaine offenders, saying that “as a general matter, the president agrees with the Department of Justice’s long-held view that commutation is an extraordinary remedy that should only be granted in extraordinary circumstances.”

But activists are watching Obama on the issue. “Retroactivity will be the next battle,” Price said. “It would be cruelly ironic for us to take lessons learned from those who are currently serving, change the law for people going forward and then say, ‘OK, the accident of the calendar you are condemned to serve much longer than people who, because of your experience, are getting out sooner.’”

In the heat of the presidential campaign, Obama sent mixed signals on crime. In the primary, he differed with Hillary Clinton by endorsing shortened sentences for some crack offenders already in jail. As the general election neared, he tacked to the right of the Supreme Court by criticizing the court’s 5-4 decision barring the use of the death penalty for child rapists who don’t kill their victims.

Berman said he thinks Obama and his aides can’t fully break with President Bill Clinton’s approach of trying to look as tough or even tougher than Republicans on crime.

“Obama wants to do something, I think, big on criminal justice and I think he’s absolutely afraid to,” Berman said. “Democrats are right to continue to fear tough-on-crime demagoguery. The lessons of Clinton continues to resonate. … This really is, inevitably, low-priority, high-risk kind of stuff.”

Obama also faces one factor Clinton did not: race. While 58 percent of federal inmates arewhite, Berman said some Americans are sure to have the perception that an African-American president is aiding criminals of his own race.

“Whether consciously or subconsciously, everyone understands that the first black president has to tread particularly cautiously in this area,” Berman said.

Most Prisoners Come from Few Neighborhoods

GREAT ARTICLE! Check out http://www.sciencenews.org/view/generic/id/62317/title/Most_prisoners_come_from_few_neighborhoods for a write-up, subtitled, “‘Incarceration Hot Spots’ Inculcate a Vicious Brand of Hopelessness,” of this new Harvard sociology paper.

My favorite quotes:

“Mass incarceration in the United States has a deep local concentration in relatively few disadvantaged communities,” Sampson asserted.

Chicago crime data for 1990 to 1995 show that a large majority of prison and jail populations came from two poor, black sections of the city, Sampson and Loeffler found. During that time, overall rates of crime and violence declined in Chicago while incarceration rates rose in those two areas.

Marijuana and Federalism: California a Test Case

On Friday, August 6, 2010 I attended a forum of the Voluntary Committee of Lawyers called “Marijuana and Federalism: California a Test Case.” The event was originally conceived as a chance for experts to publicly examine the implications of the state-federal conflict of the passage of A.B. 2254, Assm. Ammiano’s tax-and-regulate marijuana bill. Then, Ammiano withdrew 2254 in light of Proposition 19, a voter initiative legalizing marijuana and allowing local governments to tax and regulate sales.

Washington State Representative Roger Goodman, E.D. of the VCL, moderated the first of two panels, “Marijuana Legalization: A Clash of Federal Power and States’ Rights.” His excellent panelists explored the contours of the state-federal conflict, and its implications for potential legal challenges to Prop 19. First, Professor Robert Hirshon, who was president of the ABA during 9/11, spoke. Bob said that his “uber-blue-blood” law firm back in Maine had recently asked the Maine State Bar Association for guidance on the professional responsibility considerations of representing medical marijuana dispensaries (Maine has recently become the first American state to issue licenses to retail marijuana stores). The Maine Board of Overseers of the Bar responded with Advisory Opinion 199, advising that because marijuana is federally illegal, representing dispensaries could be a breach of the professional responsibility rules against knowingly assisting a crime.

Next Allen Hopper of the ACLU Drug Law Reform Project affirmed that representing dispensaries could arguably conflict with federal law and thus the PR code. However, he carved out an exception for attorneys who believe they are acting legally and in good faith. His best point came from his personal experience in representing WAMM, the Wo/Men’s Alliance for Medical Marijuana, in County of Santa Cruz v. Gonzalez. In that case, earlier this year, a medical marijuana collective and the county regulating it reached a settlement in which the federal government agreed to drop its prosecution.

Finally Professor Alex Kreit of the Thomas Jefferson School of Law in San Diego composed the meat of the panel by summarizing the law review articles he has published on this topic. Alex bifurcated analysis of Prop 19’s two sections, one of which legalizes personal possession and cultivation of marijuana, and the other of which allows counties and municipalities to regulate and license marijuana sales. He referred to Section 903 of the federal Controlled Substances Act, which says that the CSA will only preempt state law in the event of a “positive conflict” between state law and the CSA (which prohibits marijuana etc.). Alex analogized that there is no “positive conflict” between prohibiting marijuana and allowing marijuana, since a non-user can comply with both laws — this is, at worst, a passive conflict — whereas a “positive conflict” would result from a state law requiring mandatory marijuana consumption (preventing anyone from being able to follow both state and federal law simultaneously). He supposed that federal prosecutors would likely go after locally-licensed marijuana retailers, but would probably lose. Alex also pointed out that the federal government simply lacks the resources to enforce this federal law, rendering the point largely moot. He mentioned his shortly forthcoming article in the Chapman Law Review on this topic, “Beyond the Prohibition Debate: Thoughts on Federal Drug Laws in an Age of State Reforms.”

VCL President Eric Sterling moderated the second panel, “Marijuana Legalization on the Ground: Practical Considerations.” First, Assm. Tom Ammiano discussed his marijuana legalization bill, which gained notoriety last year as AB 390 when it passed the Public Safety Committee. He mentioned that this legislation would pass in a “hallway vote,” highlighting his fellow legislators “cowardice” on this issue. He also explained to the audience the concept of “contingency legislation.” The legislature could pass a law or laws regulating marijuana sales this year, set to take effect only in the event that the voters approve Prop 19. Though the Supreme Court would be required to overturn legislation amending a voter-approved initiative, legislation that adds to an initiative and is within its spirit and intent is not only acceptable but good planning. In fact, Section 5 of Prop 19’s text specifically allows for new laws creating a statewide regulatory system.

Drug Policy Alliance Staff Attorney Theshia Naidoo (disclaimer: was recently my boss) addressed the main substance of the panel by raising numerous practical considerations related to the passage of Prop 19. She provided an overview of the legal issues, especially on the civil side, likely to arise. She also mentioned the social justice implications of legalization, as DPA has just released a new report, “Targeting Blacks for Marijuana: Possession Arrests of African Americans in California, 2004-08,” available here. African Americans are 7% of California’s population but 33% of all felony marijuana arrests.

Americans for Safe Access Chief Counsel Joe Elford discussed Prop 19’s effects on medical marijuana law. ASA neither supports nor opposes Prop 19, but is neutral. He used medical marijuana as a case study for potential legal challenges to Prop 19. Joe mentioned that the upcoming appellate ruling in Qualified Patients Association v. Anaheim could undermine retail sales (though the ruling, since released, did not). He focused on his “greatest loser,” Ross v. RagingWire, in which the California Supreme Court ruled medical marijuana patients can be discriminated against for purposes of employment. Joe’s main takeaway was that Prop 19 expressly does not change our medical marijuana laws, except that it would overturn RagingWire — and would likely lower the price of medicine for patients.

Finally, Sheriff Tom Allman of Mendocino County explained his opposition to Prop 19. He said he supports medical marijuana, but opposes the way it has been implemented in California: by patchwork. He explained that medical marijuana has brought money, and money has brought greed, and greed has brought violence. He sees Prop 19 bringing more marijuana money into the public eye, and thus leading to more violence. His specific stated example for opposing medical marijuana implementation in Mendocino County was “stench,” i.e., neighbors’ complaints about odor from cultivation.

Economist: Rough Justice

We Americans look especially ridiculous from across the pond. California even gets a special international shout-out for just how expensive our prison system is…
The Economist, “Crime and Punishment in America: Rough Justice”
http://www.economist.com/node/16640389

America locks up too many people, some for acts that should not even be criminal

IN 2000 four Americans were charged with importing lobster tails in plastic bags rather than cardboard boxes, in violation of a Honduran regulation that Honduras no longer enforces. They had fallen foul of the Lacey Act, which bars Americans from breaking foreign rules when hunting or fishing. The original intent was to prevent Americans from, say, poaching elephants in Kenya. But it has been interpreted to mean that they must abide by every footling wildlife regulation on Earth. The lobstermen had no idea they were breaking the law. Yet three of them got eight years apiece. Two are still in jail.

America is different from the rest of the world in lots of ways, many of them good. One of the bad ones is its willingness to lock up its citizens (see our briefing). One American adult in 100 festers behind bars (with the rate rising to one in nine for young black men). Its imprisoned population, at 2.3m, exceeds that of 15 of its states. No other rich country is nearly as punitive as the Land of the Free. The rate of incarceration is a fifth of America’s level in Britain, a ninth in Germany and a twelfth in Japan.

Tougher than thou

Some parts of America have long taken a tough, frontier attitude to justice. That tendency sharpened around four decades ago as rising crime became an emotive political issue and voters took to backing politicians who promised to stamp on it. This created a ratchet effect: lawmakers who wish to sound tough must propose laws tougher than the ones that the last chap who wanted to sound tough proposed. When the crime rate falls, tough sentences are hailed as the cause, even when demography or other factors may matter more; when the rate rises tough sentences are demanded to solve the problem. As a result, America’s incarceration rate has quadrupled since 1970.

Similar things have happened elsewhere. The incarceration rate in Britain has more than doubled, and that in Japan increased by half, over the period. But the trend has been sharper in America than in most of the rich world, and the disparity has grown. It is explained neither by a difference in criminality (the English are slightly more criminal than Americans, though less murderous), nor by the success of the policy: America’s violent-crime rate is higher than it was 40 years ago.

Conservatives and liberals will always feud about the right level of punishment. Most Americans think that dangerous criminals, which statistically usually means young men, should go to prison for long periods of time, especially for violent offences. Even by that standard, the extreme toughness of American laws, especially the ever broader classes of “criminals” affected by them, seems increasingly counterproductive.

Many states have mandatory minimum sentences, which remove judges’ discretion to show mercy, even when the circumstances of a case cry out for it. “Three strikes” laws, which were at first used to put away persistently violent criminals for life, have in several states been applied to lesser offenders. The war on drugs has led to harsh sentences not just for dealing illegal drugs, but also for selling prescription drugs illegally. Peddling a handful can lead to a 15-year sentence.

Muddle plays a large role. America imprisons people for technical violations of immigration laws, environmental standards and arcane business rules. So many federal rules carry criminal penalties that experts struggle to count them. Many are incomprehensible. Few are ever repealed, though the Supreme Court recently pared back a law against depriving the public of “the intangible right of honest services”, which prosecutors loved because they could use it against almost anyone. Still, they have plenty of other weapons. By counting each e-mail sent by a white-collar wrongdoer as a separate case of wire fraud, prosecutors can threaten him with a gargantuan sentence unless he confesses, or informs on his boss. The potential for injustice is obvious.

As a result American prisons are now packed not only with thugs and rapists but also with petty thieves, small-time drug dealers and criminals who, though scary when they were young and strong, are now too grey and arthritic to pose a threat. Some 200,000 inmates are over 50—roughly as many as there were prisoners of all ages in 1970. Prison is an excellent way to keep dangerous criminals off the streets, but the more people you lock up, the less dangerous each extra prisoner is likely to be. And since prison is expensive—$50,000 per inmate per year in California—the cost of imprisoning criminals often far exceeds the benefits, in terms of crimes averted.


Less punishment, less crime

It does not have to be this way. In the Netherlands, where the use of non-custodial sentences has grown, the prison population and the crime rate have both been falling (see article). Britain’s new government is proposing to replace jail for lesser offenders with community work. Some parts of America are bucking the national trend. New York cut its incarceration rate by 15% between 1997 and 2007, while reducing violent crime by 40%. This is welcome, but deeper reforms are required.

America needs fewer and clearer laws, so that citizens do not need a law degree to stay out of jail. Acts that can be regulated should not be criminalised. Prosecutors’ powers should be clipped: most white-collar suspects are not Al Capone, and should not be treated as if they were. Mandatory minimum sentencing laws should be repealed, or replaced with guidelines. The most dangerous criminals must be locked up, but states could try harder to reintegrate the softer cases into society, by encouraging them to study or work and by ending the pointlessly vindictive gesture of not letting them vote.

It seems odd that a country that rejoices in limiting the power of the state should give so many draconian powers to its government, yet for the past 40 years American lawmakers have generally regarded selling to voters the idea of locking up fewer people as political suicide. An era of budgetary constraint, however, is as good a time as any to try. Sooner or later American voters will realise that their incarceration policies are unjust and inefficient; politicians who point that out to them now may, in the end, get some credit.

Fewer inmates entering Md., Va. prisons

I’m reposting this article from The Washington Examiner because I was intrigued by the connection drawn between international interdiction efforts and local corrections statistics.

By Liz Essley

Special to The Washington Examiner

Maryland and Virginia kept fewer people behind bars last year, in step with a nationwide trend that saw the first drop in states’ prison populations since 1972.

Maryland held 4.6 percent fewer prisoners in 2009 than in 2008 — one of the biggest decreases in the United States — and Virginia held 0.5 percent fewer.

Nationwide, states housed 0.2 percent fewer inmates, though the federal prison population grew by 3.4 percent.

“It absolutely is unprecedented. And that’s what was shocking for us. Within the available data, going back 10 years, [prison population] had gone up for 10 years. The drop is absolutely unprecedented,” said Baron Blakley, an expert with Virginia‘s Department of Criminal Justice Services.

Maryland’s shift — 1,069 fewer prisoners last year, leaving the state with 22,255 inmates — probably reflects new policing policies in Baltimore, said Marty Burns, a spokeswoman for the Baltimore City State’s Attorney’s Office. About 30 percent of the state prison system’s inmates come from Baltimore, he said.

The number of arrests in Baltimore dropped after 2007, when the police commissioner eliminated the city’s “zero-tolerance” crime policy and police started concentrating on violent, repeat offenders, said Anthony Guglielmi, spokesman for the Baltimore Police Department.

In 2008 and 2009, there were 5 percent fewer arrests, Guglielmi said.

“When you’re reducing the amount at the front of the pipeline, that ultimately will have an effect on the pipeline,” Guglielmi said.

Other factors reducing the number of Baltimore arrests could be tighter budgets and fewer officers, Burns said.

In Virginia, experts say a reduction in cocaine availability is decreasing the number of state prisoners.

The state inmate population was 37,633 in May, down from 38,329 in July 2009.

A 30 percent drop in the number of felony drug arrests over the past few years drove the prison population decline, said Meredith Farrar-Owens, a member of the Virginia Criminal Sentencing Commission.

Police are arresting fewer people for felony drug offenses because cocaine has become less available, according to Blakley. The drug war in Mexico, increased coca eradication in Colombia and an expanding cocaine market in Europe mean less cocaine on the streets of Virginia, he said.