Wiccan Prison Chaplain Case Before Ninth Circuit


(image courtesy Cherry Hill Seminary website)

The religious freedom of inmates has been a central theme in prison rights litigation. The California prison movement has been transformed in important ways through litigation on behalf of Black Muslim inmates; for background on this, check out Christopher Smith’s excellent paper or Eric Cummins’ wonderful book The Rise and Fall of the California Radical Prison Movement. Following these cases, and others, CDCR employs a “five-faith policy”, according to which it employs five paid prison chaplains in the following faiths: Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, Muslim and Native American. Now, a Wiccan clergyman, who has volunteered in California prisons for many years, is challenging this policy before the Ninth Circuit.

Patrick McCollum is a well-respected Wiccan authority, the author of Courting the Lady and a faculty member at Cherry Hill Seminary, a Neo-Pagan educational institution. He has testified before the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights on prisoners’ religious freedom. According to the information on the book flap, McCollum began his service as a statewide Wiccan chaplain in 1997, after advising the State in a dispute involving a Pagan inmate. He is a member of the American Correctional Chaplains Association.

McCollum’s case was defeated in the District Court, for a preliminary issue of standing. The District Court decided that McCollum lacked standing and could therefore not sue CDCR; the only people with standing to sue in such matters are current inmates, not people looking to be hired for the position. After all, said the court, at most McCollum could argue for CDCR to assess the limitation of chaplaincy positions to five, but even applying broader standards would not necessarily lead to including Wicca among the faith groups that merit a paid position, nor to hiring McCollum himself.

Interestingly, CDCR initially argued that, in assessing the need for prison chaplaincy positions, it applied a set of objective criteria: (1) liturgical needs, (2) the numbers of the group, (3) existing and alternative accommodation means, (4) security, (5) cost, and (6) other practical factors related to institutional operational needs. However, at a later stage CDCR stated that it never applied these criteria, though it intended to use it from now on.

The summary judgment decision has been appealed to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. In a brief submitted to the court, Americans United for Separation of Church and State, the Anti-Defamation League, and other organizations, argue that the District Court’s decision was erroneous.

Some of the arguments for and against McCollum’s position are presented in this Opposing Views piece. Should there be standing in this case? Have McCollum’s rights been violated? On the merits, does the “five faiths” policy constitute religious discrimination? Curious to hear what our readers think.

Here are some words from McCollum, in an interview included in the documentary A Hero Denied, which focused on the rights of Wiccan soldiers.

Guard-to-Inmate-Ratios: The View from CCPOA

In the new issue of Peacekeeper, Mike Jimenez, President of CCPOA, discusses prison guard pay cuts and furloughs on the CCPOA website.

As individuals we have a role in the effects of our zeal for our work place. We also have a role in the determination of our own morale. In accepting these responsibilities, we need and respect leaders who have the courage to tell us when things are tough, that we will have to sacrifice and that these difficulties may last for awhile. Leadership requires in these instances that the boss be consistent in the application of cost-cutting measures. It requires that there be a sense of purpose toward a common goal and that the goal be attainable.

We have yet to see these qualities in this administration-so, as the old CDCR saying goes: Expect the beatings to continue until morale improves.

The CCPOA is very critical of the furlough policy, and cites to this Senate report, suggesting that furloughs will not yield real savings for the state. As the report argues, in “round-the-clock” institutions, workers aren’t really taking furloughs, and when they are, labor costs are simply pushed to future years. Other articles on the website raise concern regarding violent incidents due to understaffing.

However, the piece I found most interesting was this critique of overcrowding by Kevin Raymond. A correctional sergeant, Raymond discusses overcrowding from the guards’ perspective, arguing that safety considerations have made the situation untenable. He discusses the National Institute of Corrections’ “direct supervision” principles, which stand in contrast to the classic “warehouse ’em” rationale, but actually do not contradict prison safety. Rather, they promote it.

The principles dictate that staff must know the inmate population and what is transpiring on their turf. You’ll note that under these principles the prison belongs to the staff not the inmates–a novel idea.

However, before the principles of direct supervision can effectively be put into play, a few very important things must transpire. Management, supervisors, and line staff all must be willing to admit that what we are doing now is a huge failure. California’s recidivism rate makes this abundantly clear. And all must be willing to embrace the change in the mindset. More important, there has to be a reduction in the inmate population without a commensurate reduction in staffing levels.

Raymond moves on to discuss the modeling of juvenile institutions after the successful Missouri model, and the failure to achieve similar results because of overcrowding. He is even more pessimistic about the adult institutions: “The adult side of the house has been reducing actual inmate programs for years, settling on a few time-honored favorites, such as substance abuse training.”

The bottom line is quite simple–prison overcrowding is a killer to any real inmate rehabilitation. As well, the current conditions in CDCR’s institutions provide for inmates to do nothing more than scheme and plot their illegal activities and disruptions. It is time for both a change in conditions and a change in attitudes. And the principles of direct supervision are critical tools in a corrections toolbox that, unfortunately, currently sits unopened.

The question is, therefore, whether CCPOA will relegate its efforts to the fight against pay cuts and furloughs, or whether it will expand horizons to fight the other side of the guard-to-inmate ratio.

CDCR’s Annual Report Published

(click on images to enlarge)

CDCR has just published its annual report, which you can download in its entirety. Secretary Cate’s optimistic introduction reads:

In the midst of significant challenges, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) has quietly had a remarkable string of successes in the last year. While it is easy to focus on the negative, there have been many positive developments at our agency.
The report mentions some of these developments:

  • Population reduction: 166,569 inmates in August 2009 (as opposed to the all-time high of 173,479 in October 2006); 111,308 parolees in August 2009 (as opposed to the all-time high of 128,108 in August 2007).
  • Decrowding through out-of-state transfers: nearly 8,000 inmates – meeting the goal set in AB 900
  • Decrease in number of “bad beds” from 19,618 (all-time high in August 2007) to 10,568 in August 2009 (lowest level since the 1990s)
  • Some progress with the new evidence-based system for addressing parole violations
  • Increase in participation in academic (50 to 62 percent) and vocational programs (42 percent to 55 percent) (data here is updated to December 2008 – why?)
  • Continuous improvement with medical services (the Receiver, Clark Kelso, credited here as working collaboratively with Secretary Cate)
  • Improvement with the “prisons go green” project
  • Increasing reliance on GPS monitoring
  • Reforms in juvenile correctional system
  • Implementing risk and needs assessment in all 12 reception centers (including Chino?)

Some important budgetary numbers:

  • The average annual cost per california inmate in 2008-09 was $48,536. Of this, aproximately $16,000 per inmate goes toward medical, mental health, and dental care.
  • Between 1998 and 2009, CDCR’s budget grew from $3.5 billion to $10.3 billion. In the 2009-10 budget, CDCR received a $1.2 billion cut, which is expected to be achieved through significant cuts to headquarters, operational savings, “right-sizing” of DJJ, and population reductions.

We’ll be devoting a few posts over the next few days to an analysis of the data provided in specific sections of the report. We hope you’ll find them useful.

Another Out-Of-State Jail Plan Collapses

For the last few years, the state of California has relied on out-of-state prisons to relieve overcrowding. According to a Prison Law Office report, as of December 2008, over 5,800 male California prisoners were housed in out-of-state facilities. The CDCR’s goal is to house a total of 8,000 prisoners in other states. There are currently five active out-of-state facilities, which are located in Arizona, Mississippi, Oklahoma and Tennessee.

Remember the failure of the attempt to reach an agreement about housing inmates in Michigan? Another attempt, to take over an empty Montana Jail with a 464-bed capacity, is not looking promising. A lawyer has quit and a company once listed as a subcontractor now denies involvement in the project. What is going on? AP writer Matthew Brown reports on the Chron:

Those moves followed revelations earlier in the week that Michael Hilton — the lead figure of the company, American Police Force — is a convicted felon with a history of fraud and failed business dealings in California.

“We met with him and he asked us if we can support him,” said Edward Angelino, chief executive of Allied Defense Systems, an Irvine, Calif.-based defense contractor. “We checked his background, we checked his company. He’s not an adequate person to do business with.”

Much has been written about the merits and pitfalls of prison privatization. Many scholars raise serious concerns about the impact of privatization on the treatment of prisoners. As Oliver Hart, et al, argue in this piece on the Quarterly Journal of Economics, the risks of privatization include the contractor’s strong incentive to reduce costs, ignoring the adverse effect on non-contractable quality. Judith Greene cites several examples of violence and cruelty, not to mention standards falling beneath constitutional minimums, in privatized prisons. The Heritage Foundation holds a more positive view of prison privatization. As Travis Pratt shows in this piece in The Prison Journal, it is fairly difficult to reach conclusive findings based on the studies conducted so far to compare confinement standards in public and private prisons. It seems that the Montana deal has the added complication of being an out-of-state facility. I suggest watching this very closely over the next few weeks; as the overcrowding relief plan approved by the legislature has not even come close to what is necessary to alleviate the financial problem, and as litigation of the Plata/Coleman decision proceeds, more information of this sort may come to public attention.

The Aftermath of Chino

(photo courtesy L.A. Times)

The L.A. Times report on the Chino riot provides some insight into the extent of the violence and destruction, but very little in the way of cause, beyond the volatile combination of overcrowding and racial unrest.

It was the kind of explosive violence threatened throughout the state’s 33 prisons, which are packed with nearly twice as many inmates as they were built to hold. The destruction wreaked here has served to intensify pressures throughout the penal system as at least 1,100 Chino inmates have been moved to other prisons.

The prison remains on lockdown, in a “state of emergency,” Hargrove said as he picked his way through the riot scene.The two dormitories hardest hit by the clashes are surrounded by yellow crime scene tape. Trash bags line the chain-link fence topped with concertina wire. Olive-clad security officers comb the grassy field with metal detectors, looking for weapons the prisoners might have buried during the four hours that they had control of the area.

Corrections officers got word that violence was brewing at the prison, prompting a lockdown imposed Thursday night. Tensions between Latino and black prisoners flared two days later, according to officers here.

But in the end, inmates of every race were involved, leaving the cause of the clash unclear, said Terry Thornton, spokeswoman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.

My colleague Jonathan Simon, over at Governing Through Crime, comments:

My observations (limited) of California corrections in recent years is that race operates as a default way to manage risk (for both the prison system and the prisoners) in a system of mass incarceration which has both lost any semblance of traditional prisoner community, and has failed to provide a secure and dignified life within a penal complex to which hundreds of thousands are consigned for years and many tens of thousands for decades of their lives. This basic lack of planning for anything but warehousing bodies has been exacerbated by the systemic overcrowding that has brought the system under federal court control.

Chino Riot and Overcrowding

(image courtesy L.A. Times blog)

Some sources, this morning, link the Chino riot to overcrowding. The New York Times editorial piece refers to the three-judge-panel:

Officials are still investigating, but a major cause is already clear: 5,900 men were being held in a facility designed for 3,000. The violence should serve as a warning to officials across the country not to try to balance state budgets by holding inmates in inhumane conditions.

The L.A. Times Blog provides provides some more specific background on the Chino situation, including the racial issues, here and here.

The disturbance, reportedly sparked by racial tensions between Latino and black inmates, appeared likely to deal a setback to efforts by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to desegregate the teeming “reception centers” in the state’s 33-prison network that house incoming prisoners and probation violators.

But it remains unclear what role, if any, the Supreme Court decision played in the Chino problem. [Terry] Thornton [speaker for CDCR] said the court ruling only applied to prisoners in cells. The violence in Chino broke out in an area where prisoners are housed in baracks, which she said was not covered by the decision. Only two prisons with cells have been integrated since the 2005 ruling, and Chino is not among them, she said.

Thornton said the 1,100 inmates were either waiting to be transferred or en route to one of four institutions: the Calipatria State Prison in Imperial County, the California Rehabilitation Center in Norco, the Correctional Training Facility in Soledad and the Heman G. Stark Youth Correctional Facility in Chino.

Chino Prison Riot

(image courtesy CNN.com)

Some of you may have heard of the recent riot at Chino prison. The L.A. Times reports:


Staff continue to evaluate the extent of inmate injuries and damages to state property following the riot that occurred on Saturday, Aug. 08, 2009, with inmates at the California Institute for Men, Reception Center West Facility.

Thirty-eight inmates of the initial 55 inmates who were transferred to local community hospital for medical treatment for more serious injuries have been returned or are en-route back to the institution following medical treatment.


None of the facility’s employees was hurt in the melee, which broke out at about 8:20 p.m. Saturday at the Reception Center West facility, Hargrove said. Guards used pepper spray, “less lethal force, and lethal force options” to regain control by 7 a.m. Sunday, he said.

The scene of the violence was the medium-security housing facility with seven units, each of which houses about 200 inmates, he said.

Some 80 officers responded to the riot, during which a housing unit was heavily damaged by fire, he said.


CDCR reports are here and here. There is also a little bit of background on Chino:

California Institution for Men, which opened in 1941, serves as a Reception Center for parolees returning to custody and newly committed male felons from several Southern California counties. The Reception Center completes diagnostic tests, medical and mental health screening, and literary assessments for classification in order to determine inmates’ appropriate institutional placement. CIM houses currently 5,911 inmates and employs approximately 2,100 people.


I should probably add – if anyone has any light to shed about the riot, please do so in the comments.

Cellphone Wars


A while ago, the CDCR website announced that CDCR had declared war against inmate cellphones. We didn’t feature that at the time, since we felt other news were more important; but there are important angles to this issue that should be explored. Communications with the outside from prison are difficult and expensive; the costs are so expensive that some businesses are trying to offer alternatives to the collect call system.

The latest news on this come from Just A Guy, an unusual blogger from an unusual location on the SF Bay Guardian, whose other knowledgeable and intelligent recent posts have been highlighted here before. I really recommend reading what he has to say about this; a reminder that sometimes thinking out of the box is cheaper, and not more harmful to public safety.

The Ninth Circuit Rules: A Male Prisoner Can Be Searched by Female Guards

On May 18, the Ninth Circuit issued a majority opinion allowing female guards to perform strip searches on male inmates.

The petitioner, William Byrd, a pretrial detainee in jail at the time, was searched for contraband. He and other inmates stood in front of a row of Academy cadets, some of whom were female. Someone in the room held a handheld camera (filming, as it turns out, for the cadets’ Video Yearbook, though no footage of this particular search survived). The majority opinion, by Judge Ikuta, describes the search, which followed county regulatons, as follows:

When it was Byrd’s turn, the officers ordered Byrd to walk over to the cadets, stand facing away from them, raise his arms above his head, and spread his legs. O’Connell approached Byrd from behind and conducted the search as follows: She ran her hands across the waistband of Byrd’sboxer shorts and pulled the waistband out a few inches to check for anything hidden or taped inside; she did not look into his boxer shorts. She lightly frisked over his boxer shorts and down the outside of his thigh, stopping at the bottom of the shorts. Through the boxer shorts, O’Connell moved Byrd’s scrotum and penis with the back of her hand in order to frisk his groin, applying light pressure to feel for contraband. She then placed her hand at the bottom of his buttocks, ran it upward over his boxers, and separated the cheeks to search for any contraband taped, placed, or hidden inside.

Byrd’s legal argument was based on his Fourth Amendment rights to be free from unreasonable searches and seasures, as well as his Fourteenth Amendment rights to due process and equal protection. The search, he argued, caused him unnecessary pain and humiliation.

Byrd’s 1983 equal protection suit was dismissed, since “he fatally ‘failed to allege that defendants’ acts or omissions were motivated by discriminatory animus toward’ male prisoners”. His Fourteenth Amendment argument was rejected, since the search was not proven to have been motivated by punitive intent. The search was thus distinguished from the intrusive searches that the 9th Circuit had struck down in Jordan v. Gardner, 986 F.2d 1521 (9th Cir. 1993), where male guards performed searches on female inmates.

As to the Fourth Amendment argument, the Court builds on Bell v. Wolfish, according to which “when reviewing conditions and restrictions placed on prisoners and pretrial detainees, we must bear in mind the inherent difficulties in managing a detention facility, and that “the problems that arise in the day-to-day operation of a corrections facility are not susceptible of easy solutions'”. Therefore, “the ‘reasonableness of a particular search is determined
by reference to the prison context.’” The factors in Bell and Turner require the court to take into account the circumstances of the search (measuring the level of intrusiveness), the justification for the search, and the existence of alternatives.

Applying these factors to the current situation, the court explains that cross-gender searches, per se, are not unreasonable: “while we have not foreclosed the possibility that a cross-gender
search could violate an incarcerated person’s constitutional rights, we have noted that ‘our prior case law suggests that prisoners’ legitimate expectations of bodily privacy from persons of the opposite sex are extremely limited.’ . . . We have never held that a cross-gender search in a prison setting [in itself–H.A.] violated an inmate’s Fourth Amendment rights”. Beyond the cross-gender search aspect, the court did not find factors that would make the search unreasonable: “As noted, the jury found that the search was not done in an inappropriate manner. The record indicates that O’Connell wore gloves at all times, and conducted the search professionally and swiftly, finishing in, at most, 60 seconds. The invasion of Byrd’s bodily privacy in this case does not substantially exceed the cross-gender observations and searches we upheld in Michenfelderand Grummet. Moreover, the County has provided a legitimate justification for the cross-gender aspect of the search: the County adduced undisputed evidence that the cross-gender search was justified by its legitimate security and staffing needs, focusing primarily on the shortage of adequate personnel.”

Judge Fernandez dissented from the Fourth Amendment aspect of the opinion, writing: “In my view, cross-gender strip searches are generally uncalled for and unreasonable. . . There may be emergency or other situations where a cross-gender strip search is proper, but this case presents no facts to suggest that there was an emergency or some other unique reason for authorizing the search. In fact, the record shows that this sort of search is a regular part of the
jail’s routine, and that there were plenty of men available, who could have conducted the search. . . When all is said and done, I would not think it was reasonable for males to strip search females in this kind of situation, and I do not think it was reasonable to have females strip search males. If our law does approve of it, and the majority opinion cogently reasons that it does, I reluct; the law should change”.

This case brings up a whole host of interesting issues. The first one has to do with the role of women in law enforcement. The gender segregation of prisons, and its implications to gender-segregated prison staff, is well documented in Dana Britton’s At Work in the Iron Cage. While the work performed by men and women in these settings is similar, there are social forces and stereotypes at work that generate gender inequalities in this particular work environment. The majority opinion seems to be marginally sensitive to this issue, when it says “The determination sought by Byrd, that it is per se unreasonable for a female officer to conduct searches of male inmates when male officers are also present, would significantly limit the usefulness of female officers for meeting a detention facility’s security needs.”

The interesting bit, of course, is that these needs to make the workplace an equal playing field, and to allow female guards to perform their work except when there are particular circumstances that disallow identical performance for justified reasons, severely clash with the patriarchal norms that govern much of the inmates’ and guards’ cultural lives. It is interesting to note, in this context, the double standard regarding the unfortunate fact that many inmates have a history of sexual victimization. In this case, “Byrd states that he suffers from a history of sexual abuse, and therefore the cross-gender aspect of the search was particularly traumatic.” However, in Jordan, the same Court struck down searches of female inmates by male guards, “in light of substantial evidence that many of the female inmates had been violently sexually abused prior to their incarceration and were psychologically fragile, and that the cross-gender searches would cause some inmates substantial suffering.” This brings up a whole host of questions regarding the role of patriarchy and gender in our sensitivity to issues of sexual abuse.

Finally, as in many other Fourth Amendment cases, this case brings out the question of measuring the “reasonability” of searches and seizures. Part of the court’s decision, it seems to me, stems from the fact that they place much more weight on the issue of justification for the search than on issues of proportion and intrusiveness. More generally, one serious problem with Fourth Amendment Analysis is its lesser attention to issues beyond the level of suspicion. If anyone is interested in any of this, Dan Portman and I have written a piece on this, which we call Inequitable Enforcement, which will be presented at the Law and Society Association Annual Meeting next weekend; we’ll post it on SSRN at some point next month, and if there’s interest, I’m happy to post the link then.

Selling San Quentin

The Marin Independent Journal reported yesterday on the Governor’s intention to sell San Quentin. The piece is very good, and brings up a variety of angles on the merits and costs of this initiative, including the recent costly innovations at San Quentin (such as the lethal injection chamber and the improvement in medical services) and the issue of costs. Here are some tidbits:

Marin officials Thursday cheered a proposal by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger to sell San Quentin State Prison, part of a plan to raise between $600 million and $1 billion to help close the state’s budget deficit.

But although local officials who have long fought planned construction of a new $356 million death row complex at San Quentin welcomed the governor’s change of heart, they stopped short of declaring victory.


The state recently spent more than $164 million on new medical facilities and $850,000 for a new lethal injection room to replace the cramped gas chamber that was deemed unacceptable by a federal judge.

California has also already spent $17 million toward the new complex for condemned inmates. San Quentin, which opened in 1852, has 639 inmates on death row.

State and Consumer Services Secretary Fred Aguiar said the governor has not decided where San Quentin’s 5,150 inmates should go if the prison were sold, or which other prison would perform executions.

Aguiar estimated it would cost more than $350 million to move death row alone, because that’s what the state plans to spend rebuilding the condemned unit at San Quentin.

Beyond the issues of feasibility and costs, this also seems to be a proposal of symbolic magnitude. San Quentin has been a fixture in the Bay Area scenery for a long time, and has more visibility in public discourse than many other correctional facilities.

Is this sale a good idea? What do you think?

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Props to Simon Grivet for alerting me to this.